Bush Says He Ordered Domestic Spying (NY Times)

President Bush delivered his radio address in the Roosevelt Room. In the live address, he criticized senators who voted not to renew the antiterrorism law known as the USA Patriot Act.

By DAVID E. SANGER
Published: December 18, 2005
WASHINGTON, Dec. 17 – President Bush acknowledged on Saturday that he had ordered the National Security Agency to conduct an electronic eavesdropping program in the United States without first obtaining warrants, and said he would continue the highly classified program because it was “a vital tool in our war against the terrorists.”

In an unusual step, Mr. Bush delivered a live weekly radio address from the White House in which he defended his action as “fully consistent with my constitutional responsibilities and authorities.”

He also lashed out at senators, both Democrats and Republicans, who voted on Friday to block the reauthorization of the USA Patriot Act, which expanded the president’s power to conduct surveillance, with warrants, in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks.

The revelation that Mr. Bush had secretly instructed the security agency to intercept the communications of Americans and terrorist suspects inside the United States, without first obtaining warrants from a secret court that oversees intelligence matters, was cited by several senators as a reason for their vote.

“In the war on terror, we cannot afford to be without this law for a single moment,” Mr. Bush said forcefully from behind a lectern in the Roosevelt Room, next to the Oval Office. The White House invited cameras in, guaranteeing television coverage.

He said the Senate’s action “endangers the lives of our citizens,” and added that “the terrorist threat to our country will not expire in two weeks,” a reference to the approaching deadline of Dec. 31, when critical provisions of the current law will end.

His statement came just a day before he was scheduled to make a rare Oval Office address to the nation, at 9 p.m. Eastern time on Sunday, celebrating the Iraqi elections and describing what his press secretary on Saturday called the “path forward.”

Mr. Bush’s public confirmation on Saturday of the existence of one of the country’s most secret intelligence programs, which had been known to only a select number of his aides, was a rare moment in his presidency. Few presidents have publicly confirmed the existence of heavily classified intelligence programs like this one.

His admission was reminiscent of Dwight Eisenhower’s in 1960 that he had authorized U-2 flights over the Soviet Union after Francis Gary Powers was shot down on a reconnaissance mission. At the time, President Eisenhower declared that “no one wants another Pearl Harbor,” an argument Mr. Bush echoed on Saturday in defending his program as a critical component of antiterrorism efforts.

But the revelation of the domestic spying program, which the administration temporarily suspended last year because of concerns about its legality, came in a leak. Mr. Bush said the information had been “improperly provided to news organizations.”

As a result of the report, he said, “our enemies have learned information they should not have, and the unauthorized disclosure of this effort damages our national security and puts our citizens at risk. Revealing classified information is illegal, alerts our enemies and endangers our country.”

As recently as Friday, when he was interviewed by Jim Lehrer of PBS, Mr. Bush refused to confirm the report the previous evening in The New York Times that in 2002 he authorized the spying operation by the security agency, which is usually barred from intercepting domestic communications. While not denying the report, he called it “speculation” and said he did not “talk about ongoing intelligence operations.”

But as the clamor over the revelation rose and Vice President Dick Cheney and Andrew H. Card Jr., the White House chief of staff, went to Capitol Hill on Friday to answer charges that the program was an illegal assumption of presidential powers, even in a time of war, Mr. Bush and his senior aides decided to abandon that approach.

“There was an interest in saying more about it, but everyone recognized its highly classified nature,” one senior administration official said, speaking on background because, he said, the White House wanted the president to be the only voice on the issue. “This is directly taking on the critics. The Democrats are now in the position of supporting our efforts to protect Americans, or defend positions that could weaken our nation’s security.”

Democrats saw the issue differently. “Our government must follow the laws and respect the Constitution while it protects Americans’ security and liberty,” said Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee and the Senate’s leading critic of the Patriot Act.

Senator Arlen Specter, the Pennsylvania Republican who is chairman of the Judiciary Committee, has said he would conduct hearings on why Mr. Bush took the action.

“In addition to what the president said today,” Mr. Specter said, “the Judiciary Committee will be interested in its oversight capacity to learn from the attorney general or others in the Department of Justice the statutory or other legal basis for the electronic surveillance, whether there was any judicial review involved, what was the scope of the domestic intercepts, what standards were used to identify Al Qaeda or other terrorist callers, and what was done with this information.”

In a statement, Representative Nancy Pelosi of California, the Democratic leader, said she was advised of the president’s decision shortly after he made it and had “been provided with updates on several occasions.”

“The Bush administration considered these briefings to be notification, not a request for approval,” Ms. Pelosi said. “As is my practice whenever I am notified about such intelligence activities, I expressed my strong concerns during these briefings.”

In his statement on Saturday, Mr. Bush did not address the main question directed at him by some members of Congress on Friday: why he felt it necessary to circumvent the system established under current law, which allows the president to seek emergency warrants, in secret, from the court that oversees intelligence operations. His critics said that under that law, the administration could have obtained the same information.

The president said on Saturday that he acted in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks because the United States had failed to detect communications that might have tipped them off to the plot. He said that two of the hijackers who flew a jet into the Pentagon, Nawaf al-Hamzi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, “communicated while they were in the United States to other members of Al Qaeda who were overseas. But we didn’t know they were here, until it was too late.”

As a result, “I authorized the National Security Agency, consistent with U.S. law and the Constitution, to intercept the international communications of people with known links to Al Qaeda and related terrorist organizations,” Mr. Bush said. “This is a highly classified program that is crucial to our national security.”

Mr. Bush said that every 45 days the program was reviewed, based on “a fresh intelligence assessment of terrorist threats to the continuity of our government and the threat of catastrophic damage to our homeland.”

“I have reauthorized this program more than 30 times since the Sept. 11 attacks, and I intend to do so for as long as our nation faces a continuing threat from Al Qaeda and related groups,” Mr. Bush said. He said Congressional leaders had been repeatedly briefed on the program, and that intelligence officials “receive extensive training to ensure they perform their duties consistent with the letter and intent of the authorization.”

The Patriot Act vote in the Senate, a day after Mr. Bush was forced to accept an amendment sponsored by Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona, that places limits on interrogation techniques that can be used by C.I.A. officers and other nonmilitary personnel, was a setback to the president’s assertion of broad powers. In both cases, he lost a number of Republicans along with almost all Democrats.

“This reflects a complete transformation of the debate in America over torture,” said Tom Malinowski, the Washington advocacy director of Human Rights Watch. “After the attacks, no politician was heard expressing any questions about the executive branch’s treatment of captured terrorists.”

Mr. Bush’s unusual radio address is part of a broader effort this weekend to regain the initiative, after weeks in which the political ground has shifted under his feet. The Oval Office speech on Sunday, a formal setting that he usually tries to avoid, is his first there since March 2003, when he informed the world that he had ordered the Iraq invasion.

White House aides say they intend for this speech to be a bookmark in the Iraq experience: As part of the planned address, Mr. Bush appears ready to at least hint at reductions in troop levels.

There are roughly 160,000 American troops in Iraq, a number that was intended to keep order for Thursday’s parliamentary elections.

The American troop level was already scheduled to decline to 138,000 – what the military calls its “baseline” level – after the election.

But on Friday, as the debate in Washington swirled over the president’s order, Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the top American commander in Iraq, hinted that further reductions may be on the way.

“We’re doing our assessment, and I’ll make some recommendations in the coming weeks about whether I think it’s prudent to go below the baseline,” General Casey told reporters in Baghdad.

Reprint from NY Times

Bush to compare Iraqis to America’s founders

Interesting commonality? If I remember my colonial history, a foreign government was managing a colonial outpost across the Atlantic, a swelling hatred for the occupators resulted in militant fighting and insurrection by the locals against those foreign rulers, and a king named George who many believed and it was later shown to be crazy. One could say this analogy would make us the enemy? But then again we were fighting to not pay taxes, the Iraqis are just fighting…

Bush to compare Iraqis to America’s founders {CNN}

“Anyone who does not agree with me is a traitor and a scoundrel”
~ King George III

How good is I.N.T.E.L.L.I.G.E.N.C.E

In his speech yesterday, President Bush claimed that members of Congress who voted for the 2002 Iraq war resolution “had access to the same intelligence” as his administration. This is false.

Never mind that much of the intelligence offered to the public and to Congress was inaccurate and misleading, or that according to the Downing Street memo and other documents, such intelligence was likely intentionally “fixed.” It is simply not true to state that Congress received the “same intelligence” as the White House:

FACT – Dissent From White House Claims on Iraq Nuclear Program Consistently Withheld from Congress:

[S]everal Congressional and intelligence officials with access to the 15 assessments [of intel suggesting aluminum tubes showed Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear program] said not one of them informed senior policy makers of the Energy Department’s dissent. They described a series of reports, some with ominous titles, that failed to convey either the existence or the substance of the intensifying debate. [NYT, 10/3/04]

FACT Kerry. Kerrey: Bush “Has Much More Access” to Intel Than Congress:

Former Sen. Bob Kerrey (D-NE), ex-Senate Intelligence Committee vice chairman: “The president has much more access to intelligence than members of Congress does. Ask any member of Congress. Ask a Republican member of Congress, do you get the same access to intelligence that the president does? Look at these aluminum tube stories that came out the president delivered to the Congress” “We believe these would be used for centrifuges.” “I didn’t deliver to Congress the full range of objections from the Department of Energy experts, nuclear weapons experts, that said it’s unlikely they were for centrifuges, more likely that they were for rockets, which was a pre-existing use. The president has much more access to intelligence than any member of Congress.” [10/7/04]

FACT – Rockefeller: PDBs, CIA Intel Withheld From Senate:

Ranking minority member on the Senate Intelligence Committee Jay Rockefeller (D-WV): “[P]eople say, ‘Well, you know, you all had the same intelligence that the White House had.’ And I’m here to tell you that is nowhere near the truth. We not only don’t have, nor probably should we have, the Presidential Daily Brief. We don’t have the constant people who are working on intelligence who are very close to him. They don’t release their ‘ an administration which tends not to release ‘ not just the White House, but the CIA, DOD [Department of Defense], others they control information. There’s a lot of intelligence that we don’t get that they have.” [11/04/05]

FACT – War Supporter Ken Pollack: White House Engaged in “Creative Omission” of Iraq Intel:

In the eyes of Kenneth Pollack, “a Clinton-era National Security Council member and strong supporter of regime change in Iraq,” ‘the Administration consistently engaged in “creative omission,” overstating the imminence of the Iraqi threat, even though it had evidence to the contrary. “The President is responsible for serving the entire nation,” Pollack writes. “Only the Administration has access to all the information available to various agencies of the US government ‘ and withholding or downplaying some of that information for its own purposes is a betrayal of that responsibility.'” [Christian Science Monitor, 1/14/04]

FACT – White House Had Exclusive Access to “Unique” Intel Sources:

“The claim that the White House and Congress saw the ‘same intelligence’ on Iraq is further undermined by the Bush administration’s use of outside intelligence channels. For more than year prior to the war, the administration received intelligence assessments and analysis on Iraq directly from the Department of Defense’s Office of Special Plans (OSP), run by then-undersecretary of defense for policy Douglas J. Feith, and the Iraqi Nationalcaliphss (INC), a group of Iraqi exiles led by Ahmed Chalabi.” [MediaMatters, 11/8/05]

Reprinted from Think Progress

As the Washington Post pointed out Saturday, “Bush and his aides had access to much more voluminous intelligence information than did lawmakers, who were dependent on the administration to provide the material.” For instance, in the lead up to war, the Bush administration argued that Iraq had made several attempts to “buy high-strength aluminum tubes used in centrifuges to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons.” The White House sent 15 intelligence assessments to Congress supporting this notion, but according to the New York Times, “not one of them” informed readers that experts within the Energy Department believed the tubes could not be used to reconstitute a nuclear weapons program. Even Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Pat Roberts (R-KS) — who has led efforts to delay and downplay the need for investigating prewar intelligence — confirmed this broader point yesterday. Asked whether the differences between the intelligence available to the White House and to Congress was a “legitimate concern,” Roberts acknowledged that it “may be a concern to some extent.”

Bush claimed that “a bipartisan Senate investigation found no evidence of political pressure to change the intelligence community’s judgments related to Iraq’s weapons programs.” That argument is wrong on at least two counts. First, “the only committee investigating the matter in Congress, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, has not yet done its inquiry into whether officials mischaracterized intelligence by omitting caveats and dissenting opinions.” The so-called Phase II of the pre-war intel investigation is not expected to be completed this year. Second, the Senate Intelligence Committee’s Phase I report found, according to the Los Angeles Times (7/10/04), that the unclassified public version of the National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) was manipulated. “are fully qualified conclusions were turned into blunt assertions of fact.” For example, the classified version of the NIE said, “Although we have little specific information on Iraq’s CW stockpile, Saddam Hussein probably has stocked at least 100 metric tons” of certain poisons. The phrase “although we have little specific information” was deleted from the unclassified version. Instead, the public report said, “Saddam probably has stocked a few hundred metric tons of CW agents.”

Above all the flaws in intelligence up to and leading into the occupation of Iraq, the world leaders were unanimously opposed to Pres. Bush’s allegations about the threats Iraq posed to the US or any other world nation. This is rebuffed and the acceptance of US intelligence was fabricated in the US media to further garner public support.

One frequent talking point of Bush’s defenders is that the pre-war intelligence failure was a global failure. “Every intelligence agency in the world, including the Russians, the French…all reached the same conclusion,” Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) said on CBS’s “Face the Nation.” Similarly, Sen. Pat Roberts (R-KS) claimed, “This was a worldwide intelligence failure,” citing the French and Russians, among others. In fact, many of our friends and allies believed that, based on the intelligence they had, the threat of Iraq did not rise to the level of justifying immediate force. French President Jacques Chirac said, “e just feel that there is another option, another way, a less dramatic way than war.” German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer said he did not believe the threat rose to the level requiring the “‘ultima ratio,’ the very last resort.” And Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said, “It is our deep conviction that the possibilities for disarming Iraq through political means do exist.”

Despite the world’s political objections to both our intel and agenda, the Bush Administration spearheaded the campaign to invade the sovereign nation of Iraq.

Even if the Administration were to openly admit the failings of the intelligence and reasoning to enter Iraq, they would still fall back on the notion that Iraq and its people are better off without their dictator. Should this be true, it remains to be seen.